What destroyed fascism as an idea was not universal moral revulsion against it, since plenty of people were willing to endorse the national museum philippines essay idea as long as it seemed the wave of the future, but its lack of success. The radical and deformed outgrowth of nineteenth-century imperialism was German fascism, an ideology which justified Germany's right not only to rule over non-European peoples, but over all non-German ones. The simple existence of communist China created an alternative pole of ideological attraction, and as such constituted a threat to liberalism. But the fact that it is good propaganda does not mean that is formulators do not take many of its ideas seriously. The mastery and transformation of man's natural environment through the application of science and technology was originally not a Marxist concept, but a Hegelian one. The various slowdowns in the pace of reform, the campaigns against "spiritual pollution" and crackdowns on political dissent are more properly seen as tactical adjustments made in the process of managing what is an extraordinarily difficult political transition. Filipino painters have included Juan Luna, whose agitated works helped inspire a sense of Filipino nationalism in the late 19th century; Fernando Amorsolo, who is known for his traditional rural scenes; the muralists Carlos. This is not true in Poland and Hungary, however, whose Communist parties have taken moves toward true power sharing and pluralism. Spanish was the prinicipal literary medium until the end of the 19th century, before yielding to English after.S. But whatever the particular ideological basis, every "developed" country believed in the acceptability of higher civilizations ruling lower ones - including, incidentally, the United States with regard to the Philippines.
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The ruins of the Reich chancellery as well as the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki killed this ideology on the level of consciousness as well as materially, and all of the pro-fascist movements spawned by the German and. IV what ARE the implications of the end of history for international relations? There would still be a high and perhaps rising national museum philippines essay level of ethnic and nationalist violence, since those are impulses incompletely played out, even in parts of the post-historical world. The end of history will be a very sad time. There has always been a very strong current of great Russian chauvinism in the Soviet Union, which has found freer expression since the advent of glasnost. 18 The post-historical consciousness represented by "new thinking" is only one possible future for the Soviet Union, however. Hence it did not matter to Kojève that the consciousness of the postwar generation of Europeans had not been universalized throughout the world; if ideological development had in fact ended, the homogenous state would eventually become victorious throughout the material world.
Art of the Philippines - Wikipedia
And in this respect I believe that something very important has happened in the Soviet Union in the past few years: the criticisms of the Soviet system sanctioned by Gorbachev have been so thorough and devastating that. "New political thinking the general rubric for their views, describes a world dominated by economic concerns, in which there are no ideological grounds for major conflict between nations, and in which, consequently, the use of military force becomes less legitimate. Consciousness is cause and not effect, and can develop autonomously from the material world; hence the real subtext underlying the apparent jumble of current events is the history of ideology. I am not using the term "fascism" here in its most precise sense, fully aware of the frequent misuse of this term to denounce anyone to the right of the user. 13 Nonetheless, the general principles underlying many of the reforms - that the "people" should be truly responsible for their own affairs, that higher political bodies should be answerable to lower ones, and not vice versa, that the rule. Although the community of practitioners of rural performing arts has been diminishing, efforts have been under way to revive as well as recontextualize some of the indigenous traditions so that they resonate with an increasingly cosmopolitan Philippine society.
For there is a very widespread belief among many observers of international relations that underneath the skin of ideology is a hard core of great power national interest that guarantees a fairly high level of competition and conflict between nations. But in fact, in many traditional peasant communities, raising the piece-work rate actually had the opposite effect of lowering labor productivity: at the higher rate, a peasant accustomed to earning two and one-half marks per day found. "Fascism" here denotes nay organized ultra nationalist movement with universalistic pretensions - not universalistic with regard to its nationalism, of course, since the latter is exclusive by definition, but with regard to the movement's belief in its right to rule other people. Among his students ranged such future luminaries as Jean-Paul Sartre on the Left and Raymond Aron on the Right; postwar existentialism borrowed many of its basic categories from Hegel via Kojève. It is still not clear whether the Soviet people are as "Protestant" as Gorbachev and will follow him down that path. Ideology in this sense is not restricted to the secular and explicit political doctrines we usually associate with the term, but can include religion, culture, and the complex of moral values underlying any society as well. Conflict between states still in history, and between those states and those at the end of history, would still be possible.
The End of History?
Nationalism has been a threat to liberalism historically in Germany, and continues to be one in isolated parts of national museum philippines essay "post-historical" Europe like Northern Ireland. Two possibilities suggest themselves, those of religion and nationalism. V THE passing of Marxism-Leninism first from China and then from the Soviet Union will mean its death as a living ideology of world historical significance. Among those modern French interpreters of Hegel, the greatest was certainly Alexandre Kojève, a brilliant Russian émigré who taught a highly influential series of seminars in Paris in the 1930s at the. The Soviet reform, for example, was motivated in good measure by Moscow's sense of insecurity in the technological-military realm. 3, but this was only to be expected. Indeed, if the bulk of the present economic reform proposals were put into effect, it is hard to know how the Soviet economy would be more socialist than those of other Western countries with large public sectors. United States and expanded by the Filipinos has become emblematic of cultural unity and socioeconomic progress. Nonetheless, neither country ion the eve of its reforms was in such a state of material crisis that one could have predicted the surprising reform paths ultimately taken. Gorbachev's claim that he is seeking to return to the true Lenin is perfectly easy to understand: having fostered a thorough denunciation of Stalinism and Brezhnevism as the root of the ussr's present predicament, he needs some point. But let us focus for the time being on the larger and more developed states of the world who after all account for the greater part of world politics. The Chinese leadership has in fact been much more circumspect in criticizing Mao and Maoism than Gorbachev with respect to Brezhnev and Stalin, and the regime continues to pay lip service to Marxism-Leninism as its ideological underpinning.
But the problem is no longer a conceptual one: Gorbachev and his lieutenants seem to understand the economic logic of marketization well enough, but like the leaders of a Third World country facing the IMF, are afraid of the social. For better or worse, much of Hegel's historicism has become part of our contemporary intellectual baggage. In France, however, there has been an effort to save Hegel from his Marxist interpreters and to resurrect him as the philosopher who most correctly speaks to our time. President Marcos originally declared the first Sunday of Advent and the last week of November every year as National Bible Sunday and National Bible Week (NBW). The most common answer is - not very much. The notion that mankind has progressed through a series of primitive stages of consciousness on his path to the present, and that these stages corresponded to concrete forms of social organization, such as tribal, slave-owning, theocratic, and finally democratic-egalitarian societies. 44 in 1986 which transferred and made official the NBW celebration in the first month of the year. The automatic assumption that Russia shorn of its expansionist communist ideology should pick up where the czars left off just prior to the Bolshevik Revolution is therefore a curious one. The real question for the future, however, is the degree to which Soviet elites have assimilated the consciousness of the universal homogenous state that is post-Hitler Europe. Weber notes that according to any economic theory that posited man as a rational profit-maximizer, raising the piece-work rate should increase labor productivity. While they may constitute a source of conflict for liberal societies, this conflict does not arise from liberalism itself so much as from the fact that the liberalism in question is incomplete. Important national museum philippines essay as these changes in China have been, however, it is developments in the Soviet Union - the original "homeland of the world proletariat" - that have put the final nail in the coffin of the Marxist-Leninist alternative to liberal democracy. There is no struggle or conflict over "large" issues, and consequently no need for generals or statesmen; what remains is primarily economic activity.
This annual event started in 1982 after former President Ferdinand. 10 But while man's very perception of the material world is shaped by his historical consciousness of it, the material world can clearly affect in return the viability of a particular state of consciousness. But just as surely the cultural heritage of those Far Eastern societies, the ethic of work and saving and family, a religious heritage that does not, like Islam, place restrictions on certain forms of economic behavior, and other deeply ingrained. 17 Since the Second World War, European nationalism has been defanged and shorn of any real relevance to foreign policy, with the consequence that the nineteenth-century model of great power behavior has become a serious anachronism. What HAS happened in the four years since Gorbachev's coming to power is a revolutionary assault on the most fundamental institutions and principles of Stalinism, and their replacement by other principles which do not amount to liberalism per se but. This is not to say that there will no longer be events to fill the pages. For example, it is commonplace in the West to interpret the reform movements first in China and most recently in the Soviet Union as the victory of the material over the ideal - that is, a recognition that ideological. Max Weber begins his famous book, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, by noting the different economic performance of Protestant and Catholic communities throughout Europe and America, summed up in the proverb that Protestants eat well while Catholics sleep well. Many Filipino musicians have risen to prominence in the Western classical music tradition, including the composer and conductor Antonio. Eid al-Fitr, which marks the end of the Muslim fasting month. Cultural institutions The National Museum in Manila, which houses a substantial ethnographic collection, is the principal government vehicle for preservation and conservation of the countrys tangible and intangible cultural property. 7 And yet the intellectual weight of materialism is such that not a single respectable contemporary theory of economic development addresses consciousness and culture seriously as the matrix within which economic behavior is formed.
Philippines - Cultural life
Clearly, the vast bulk of the Third World remains very much mired in history, and will be a terrain of conflict for many years to come. Marxism-Leninism was like a magical incantation which, however absurd and devoid of meaning, was the only common basis on which the elite could agree to rule Soviet society. Among sculptors, Guillermo Tolentino and Napoleon Abueva are prominent. And yet this realm of consciousness in the long run necessarily becomes manifest national museum philippines essay in the material world, indeed creates the material world in its own image. Deng has made none of Gorbachev's promises regarding democratization of the political system and there is no Chinese equivalent of glasnost. Kojève's best known work is his Introduction à la lecture de Hegel (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1947 which is a transcript of the Ecole Practique lectures from the 1930's. And indeed, Kojève's life was consistent with his teaching. The diverse cultural heritage of the country not only animates most of Joaquins fiction writing, but it is also central to his nonfiction work.
Daily life and social customs, life in the Philippines generally revolves around the extended family, including parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins (up to several times removed and other relatives. After the war, it seemed to most people that German fascism as well as its other European and Asian variants were bound to self-destruct. Or, check your paper for grammar and accidental plagiarism. Various seasonal celebrations (e.g., harvest) and life rituals (e.g., courtship and marriage) called for certain instrumental music, songs, and dances. But is it true? In fact, the notion that ideology is a superstructure imposed on a substratum of permanent great power interest is a highly questionable proposition. A recent example of this is Paul Kennedy's hugely successful. Cultural life, cultural milieu, philippine society is a unique blend of diversity and homogeneity. Beginning with the famous third plenum of the Tenth Central Committee in 1978, the Chinese Communist party set about decollectivizing agriculture for the 800 million Chinese who still lived in the countryside. Members of extended families typically gather for major life events such as baptisms and confirmations (for Catholic Filipinos circumcisions (for Muslim Filipinos and marriages, as well as for major religious and other national holidays. Liberalism in Asia was a very weak reed in the period after World War I; it is easy today to forget how gloomy Asia's political future looked as recently as ten or fifteen years ago. This is not to say that the opinions of progressive intellectuals in Western countries are not deeply pathological in any number of ways.
For Catholic families, godparentsthose to whom care of children is entrusted should the parents die or otherwise be incapacitatedalso figure prominently in the kinship network. What is important from a Hegelian standpoint is that political liberalism has been following economic liberalism, more slowly than many had hoped but with seeming inevitability. The student demonstrations in Beijing that broke out first in December 1986 and recurred recently on the occasion of Hu Yao-bang's death were only the beginning of what will inevitably be mounting pressure for change in the political system as well. One need look no further than the recent performance of Vietnamese immigrants in the.S. Despite its successes, the film industry in the Philippines has remained small, its growth hindered by escalating production costs, high taxes, uncontrolled piracy of videotapes and CDs, and the popularity of foreign films over local productions. This led to a drive for pure territorial aggrandizement in the latter half of the century and played no small role in causing the Great War. It is easy to forget as well how momentous the outcome of Asian ideological struggles seemed for world political development as a whole. Gorbachev has spoken of democratization primarily in the sphere of internal party affairs, and has shown little intention of ending the Communist party's monopoly of power; indeed, the political reform seeks to legitimize and therefore strengthen the cpsu'S rule. It is said that unhappiness with strongman Ne Win began when a senior Burmese officer went to Singapore for medical treatment and broke down crying when he saw how far socialist Burma had been left behind by its asean neighbors.